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ISSN: 2158-7051 ==================== INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RUSSIAN STUDIES ==================== ISSUE NO. 9 ( 2020/2 ) |
"I WANT BLOOD!" VAMPIRISM IN THE 20TH CENTURY RUSSIAN URBAN CHILDLORE
YELENA NOVITSKAYA*
Summary
The genre of oral scary stories or strashilki is one of the most popular of the contemporary Russian children's subculture. Rooted both in traditional folklore and children's mythic thinking, these are tales about encounters with supernatural forces, objects, and things that usually end in the victim's death. This paper focuses on one particular category of strashilki's evil agents, namely vampires. The vampire of Russian children's scary stories possesses many of the attributes of the "general vampire" although the word itself did not appear in oral childlore until after the arrival of cable channels and video salons in the late 1980s. Special attention is paid to stories about cookies/meat pies prepared of people and tales about ominous stains. This group of strashilki is regarded here as vampiric stories as their malevolent protagonists employ known folk vampiric qualities. Several scary stories appearing on these pages are translated from Russian by the author of the paper.
Key Words: Vampires, blood, scary stories, children's folklore, childlore, Russia, red.
Introduction
As is
known from some primary sources, Russian youngsters have been telling scary stories
since 19th century. There are memoirs from the mid-1800s in which
authors remember getting together in some quiet nook to terrify each other with
wild tales about demons, ghosts, and vourdalaks (vurdalaks). About the same time, enthusiasts started collecting and studying
children's oral narratives (Loiter 1998, 56).
The foundations for scholarly studies focused on children's oral prose
were set in the USSR in 1920s when the term "children's folklore" was
introduced. Childlore was regarded in its relation to the general way of life,
rather than a genre or subculture as such. The political and social situation
of the 1930s did not encourage further research. Folklorists resumed their
studies only with the beginning of Khrushchev's thaw, in the mid-1950s. After years of cautious work, Soviet researchers first
introduced childlore as a genre at an All-Union research conference in 1970. They revealed types
of children's oral narratives long known in the West, such as ruthless rhymes,
scary stories, black humor, etc. Scary stories, or strashilki (term
by M. Osorina) have been in the focus of scholarly attention since then; it has
become the most studied genre of the contemporary children's subculture
(Belousov et al. 2005). The vast body of oral tales collected by folklorists in
1970s-1990s throughout the country allowed researchers to reveal structural
similarities and plot-character-motif stereotypes. On the whole, patterns
distinguished in this type of childlore make it a specific oral epic tradition
(Loiter 1998, 58-59).
It was
established that strashilki were
genetically linked to fairy tales and bylichkas*;
their social role was seen in evoking the experience of fear which, in the
circumstances known to be safe, incited a specific kind of pleasure and lead to
emotional catharsis. Thus, strashilki,
paradoxically, perform a therapeutic function: by telling these tales and
listening to them children experience fear and learn to master it (Ibid.,
232-233).
At the
most recent stage in the studies of strashilki
they are regarded as children's mythology, an integral system reflecting some
common patterns of formation of children's perception. The sources of this
phenomenon are found in the mythical thinking of preschool and early elementary
school children. Behind the simple gear of child mythology there are psychological
constants, emotional experiences and images rooted in the collective
unconscious. This mythology actualizes ancient archetypes in the preservation
of which children's folklore is instrumental. Being saturated with relics of
archaic rituals and mythical conceptions lore becomes a means of cognition and
appropriating culture (Cherednikova 1996, 4).
For this paper,
tales from two compendiums were analyzed: 140 scary stories collected by S.
Loiter (LC) published in Russkii shkolnyi
folklor (Loiter 1998) and 287 texts from the web site Detskie strashilki ["Children's Scary Stories"] (Pionerskie
strashilki 2014). This assortment contains strashilki
from the folklore collection of the State University of Nizhni Novgorod and
stories uploaded by users (UNN). All the quotations from scholarly texts
originally written in Russian as well as scary tales presented in Section 3 were
translated by the author of this paper.
The Genre of Strashilki
The main feature of strashilki,
which are tales with similar plot collisions and outcome, is the fact that the
mysterious and unexplainable events that take place in them are the result of
the activities of supernatural forces, objects, and things. These supernatural
forces are not just evil-doing; they are fatal in most cases. Children's
inquisitiveness deals here with the mystery of death. According to V.N. Toporov
(quoted in Loiter, 1998) childhood is "a zone of increased and exposed danger",
"a zone which is under the death's unsleeping attention, when every hazard is a
threat against life, irrevocable possibility of death" (Toporov 1995, 59). The
irreversibility of death makes strashilki
not just scary stories but rather tales about death which often comes as a
punishment for disobedience or for breaking a taboo or prohibition (Loiter
1998, 59-60).
Researchers distinguish between two types of strashilki according to their evil protagonists. The biggest group
features ordinary inanimate objects from the material world: gloves, curtains,
shoes, ribbons, dolls, cookies, etc. They move, talk, strangle, and suck blood.
This behavior is based on the mythical consciousness of children. The ability
to naïvely personify non-living
creatures which is, according to E.M. Meletinsky (quoted in Loiter, 1998),
intrinsic to the primeval and characteristic of children's thinking is
responsible for the fact that objects and things from everyday life in these
stories cease being themselves and acquire symbolism (Meletinsky 1976, 60).
This ability along with the child's ever-ready recreative imagination which
assigns to objects emotional meaning not matching their real qualities accounts
for the genesis of strashilkis'
demonic figures (Loiter 1998, 60).
The second group includes stories descending from traditional folklore
genres. Malevolent agents here are the witch, the cadaver, the vampire, the
sorcerer, etc. They act and reason differently from their namesakes of "adult"
tales, but archetypal motifs found their way into strashilki. By assimilating the motifs and characters of the adult
superstitious tales and by personifying occurrences, objects and things of the
world around them, children created their own "late demonological tradition"
(S. Neklyudov), which reflected the complex of their ideas about fear, death,
and fatal hazard (Ibid., 63-65).
There is no
universally accepted classification of strashilki.
They have been organized by the main malefactor: a mystic agent, an
object-killer, an object representing a dead person, a harmful locus, an
anthropomorphic evildoer, a malevolent family member; by the similar plot
development: a hand appeared and strangled someone, a red stain came back,
"don't buy black gloves", "girl, girl, approach the piano", green eyes, red
curtains, etc. There have been attempts to create a detailed typology of the
scary childlore, which identifies "classical" strashilki, children's bylichki,
"innovative" strashilki descending
from literary or cinematic pretexts, etc. A need to build a strong taxonomy is
accounted for by the heterogeneity of the genre which easily draws on rural bylichki, urban legends, horror movies
and junk food news (Belousov 2005, 233). For the purposes of this paper we will
simply sort the texts according to the way their victims are destroyed.
The biggest
group from UNN (118 items) features death from unidentified reasons (e.g. "the
boy died", "everyone died") or from random causes ("the boy died of fear",
"mother stamped him to death with her hoofs", etc.). A similar category from LC
comprises 37 items. In the second biggest group (UNN - 57; LC - 37) victims are
strangled. Such popularity of strangulation deserves a separate study since
this is not the way people are usually killed in traditional Russian fairy and
folk tales; Baba Yaga and other
villain figures usually consume their victims, cooked or uncooked. This study,
however, is beyond the limits of the present project. Straightforward
vampirism, i.e. sucking or drinking the victim's blood is depicted in 32 and 19
stories respectively. We think that at least two other types of children's
scary stories also belong in this category, namely the stories about ominous
stains and cookies/meat pies (researchers identify consumer rumors, urban
legends, and the blood libel (A. Arkhipova) as main sources of these plots.)
Analysis and Illustrations
Definitions of
vampirism vary, but one common trait is that "vampires are killers who
physically or psychically drain the life from human victims" (Swensen 1993,
492). Traditionally, it is done by blood-sucking or blood-drinking. The meaning
of blood as the seat of life and the source of the power of the soul (Stuckrad
2006, 187-190) or a soul substance (Roux 2005, 986) is manifest here. While
featuring classic vampiric attributes, blood-consuming villains of Russian
childlore have never born their generic name until later. The word vampir (vampire) did not really
circulate among elementary school children; the Russian vampires oupir and vourdalak/vurdalak (e.g.
Oupir in the Afanasiev's compendium of Russian tales and Aleksey
Konstantinovich Tolstoy's La
Famille du Vourdalak) never
left the realm of written fiction until the late 1980s - early 1990s. The
experience of this paper's author who belongs to the strashilki-telling and strashilki-ingesting
generation corroborates here with researchers' findings.
Strashilki reached their popularity peak in the
1970s-1980s when they were told at night in the pitch-black darkness of a
pioneer camp dorm. Later, in the 1990s, the genre nearly went into oblivion,
especially with the demise of pioneer camps and the arrival of video salons and
cable channels, which introduced people to the barely known before thrillers
and horror films swarming with the undead, zombies, and vampires. It is then
that the word vampir started to
appear in strashilki (3 instances in
LC).With the development of the Internet in the 2000s this category of
childlore got a new impetus and a new existence (Marfin 2010, 115-116).
Similarly, blood-sucking
and blood drawing in strashilki is
not necessarily done by the plain vanilla neck biting. Malevolent agents use
knives and forks, tubes, beating up and hanging upside down, etc. Sometimes
blood consuming is only implied or, as illustrated in the following tale,
happens post factum. Note the appearance of militia men in this and many other strashilki. In the minds of Soviet
children they still are mighty and valorous heroes who come to rescue when summoned.
Red piano
A girl got a
red piano; people in the piano store said that one single old woman would be
able to fix it and gave her address. The girl started practicing and after some
time felt that her fingertips hurt. They told her that she had simply chafed
her fingers. Soon the girl began to wither away, she grew thinner, and her
cheeks lost their blush. A month later the piano broke. They called the old
woman. She arrived and said:
"I will fix it
but you are not to look, don't come into the room or I won't be able to do my
work."
They obeyed.
After some time
the old woman left.
The girl
started playing again, but she was getting thinner and thinner. Soon she was
not able to walk. A month later the piano broke. The old woman came one more
time. She told the parents not to watch her. But they could not bear it and
peeped into the room. They saw that the old woman opened the piano and took out
a jar full of blood. She started drinking greedily.
They called
militia men, and the old woman got arrested. They began examining the piano and
saw that its keys were made of tiny needles. The girl was playing and the
needles pricked her fingers. The blood ran into the jar drop by drop, and the
old woman came in to drink it (Pionerskie strashilki 2014).
The old woman
in this story is acting in perfect accordance with Andrew Swensen's definition
of a vampire as "a demonic being which feeds on human life and destroys that
life in securing its own existence" (Swensen 1993, 492). While the
piano-practicing girl grows weaker, a jar of her blood keeps an old woman
active for at least a month. "The traditional image of blood-sucking [or
blood-drinking in this case. - YN] acts as a metaphor for tapping into human
essence; the vampiric drawing of this essence produces sustenance and,
generally, diabolic revelry for the vampire and results in the loss of some or,
more frequently, all of the victim's life energy" (Ibid.)
In his
"Vampirism in Gogol's Short Fiction", Swensen notes that the vampire being a
corporeal but supernatural entity nonetheless dwells in the so called objective
reality. Characteristically, "the vampire psychologically manipulates,
enchants, hypnotizes, and seduces its victims and generally overcomes them by
enticement rather than by the use of brute force, and this facet of the
vampiric relationship augments the aura of sexuality and primal desire" (Ibid.,
493). This principle is unintentionally travestied in the naïve account of strashilki. Young narrators hardly had
any idea about psychological manipulations but what else could compel the
victims to abide by the blood drinkers' life-threatening demands? The girl in
the previous story gets back to playing the piano after it is "fixed" despite
becoming sick while the daughter from the following tale continues obliging the
skeleton until almost dead. (Why does a piano perform such an ominous part in strashilki? Is this because Soviet
children hated their private music classes which were considered almost an obligatory
addition to the universal school education?)
Black piano
Once there was
a family: the mother, the father and the daughter. The girl wanted to learn to
play the piano and they agreed to buy it for her. They also had an old
grandmother who told them to on no account buy a black piano. The mother and
the father went to the store, but there were only black pianos there and they
bought a black one.
Next day when
everyone went to work, the girl decided to practice. No sooner had she pressed
a key that a skeleton got out of the piano and demanded a jar of blood from
her. The girl gave him her blood; the skeleton drank it up and went back inside
the piano. This was going on for 3 days. On the fourth day the girl became
sick. Doctors could not help her because every day when everyone went to work,
the skeleton came out the piano and drank the girl's blood.
Then the
grandmother suggested breaking the piano. The father took an axe and started
chopping and destroyed the skeleton along with the piano. Then the girl
immediately got well (Pionerskie strashilki 2014).
Earthly
characters of strashilki would comply
with commands from murderous curtains and blood-thirsty black tulips but for
some unknown reason would ignore warnings about an imminent danger. There are
four versions of the "Coffin on wheels" story in UNN; LC contains two. In all
of them a girl pays no attention to the menace and is killed (most often,
strangled). The gruesome finale of the tale below is unprecedented.
Coffin on wheels
One girl
started cleaning up her apartment. Radio goes:
"Girl, girl, a
coffin on wheels is looking for your city."
The girl does
not hide out. Radio goes again:
"Girl, girl, a
coffin on wheels is looking for your building."
The girl does
not hide out. Radio goes:
"Girl, girl, a
coffin on wheels is looking for your apartment."
The girl does
not hide out. Radio goes again:
"Girl, girl, a
coffin on wheels is behind you."
The girl did
not hide out, and the coffin beat her and hung her from the ceiling and put a
bowl under her for her blood to run into it (Ibid.).
The vampire of
Russian folklore finds its way into strashilki
even if their narrators are not aware of this fact. It may assume all sorts of
shapes, and we believe that the various blood drinking curtains, gloves,
shawls, flowers, etc. are shapeshifters. Occasionally there would be explicit
transformations: a girl found a black wallet, at home she sat down to examine
it, suddenly a terrible voice sounded and a witch came out of the wallet (Ibid.).
Or the father gave the mother three black tulips for her birthday, at night the
parents disappeared while the tulips grew bigger, long black arms stretched out
of the lamp to seize the daughter but a militia man chopped them away and blood
flew out of black tulips; it was a sorceress and tulips were her heart (Ibid.).
At other times a nonanthropomorphic figure takes the place of a blood-sucking
object: the mother asked her daughter to buy her a coat of any color except
red, there were only red coats in the store, the girl bought the red one and
dyed it, the mother put it on and never could take it off, she could only take
it off when the coat drank all her blood (Loiter, 1998, 56-134). There is a
similar tale about blood-drinking shoes (Ibid.). In the following story
footwear consumes blood and is indestructible with common weapons as vampires
are.
White slippers
A family got a
new apartment. When they moved in, they saw a pair of white slippers by the
entrance. They did not remove them. At night the father woke up and heard some
noise; he thought it was just his imagination and did not get up from the bed.
When everyone woke up in the morning, they found that he was nowhere to be seen
and that there was a red stain on the bed sheets.
Next night the
same thing happened to the mother, then to the daughter and to the son. A unit
of 20 militia men came in and put a jar with 1 liter of blood on the bed and
covered it with a blanket. At night there were some banging sounds, and then a
slipper crawled onto bed and started drinking blood. One militia man shot it,
and it burst into small pieces. These pieces flew out of the window and went
towards the graveyard.
Militia men ran
out of the building and followed the pieces. They reached an old well. They
looked into it and there were bones, skeletons and upon them a trunk with
blood. The second slipper was sitting on the trunk and militia men could not
hit it no matter how they tried. They were unable to destroy it (Pionerskie
strashilki 2014).
The
shapeshifter from the next story hypnotizes a victim with her eyes. This
ability is a common attribute of the vampire. "The eyes also symbolize the
fantastic and dark powers of the night as they represent implacable portals to
the dark nether realms" (Swensen 1993, 493, 504).
Black roses-2
One girl's
mother died. When she was dying she asked the girl to never buy black roses.
Once the girl went for a walk and met an old woman who was selling black roses.
The girl felt a desire to buy these roses and she bought them. At night, when
the girl went to sleep, the black roses suddenly started to open and little
black old women began to get out of them. They grew bigger and bigger and
finally joined together into one huge old woman. She thrust herself at the
girl:
"I want blood!"
The girl got
scared and cried. The old woman vanished. On the next morning the girl goes to
see her grandmother. The road runs through the graveyard. The girl walks and
sees the grave of the old woman who sold black roses. The girl wants to run
away but cannot. The eyes on the old woman's portrait draw her in. The girl
steps further towards the grave and falls under the ground. There she sees a
dark hallway and three doors. She enters the first door; young girls sit there
and cry.
"Why are you
crying, young girls?"
"How can we not
cry if they are going to undress us now?"
The girl enters
another door; undressed girls sit there and cry.
"And you, why
are you crying?"
"How can we not
cry if they are going to suck blood from us now?"
The girl enters
the third door and sees that the old woman drinks blood from young girls. The
girl ran so fast that the old woman could not catch her. She got out of the
grave, shook off the dirt - and there is her mother standing there and smiling
(Pionerskie strashilki 2014).
Vampiric folk
motifs found in strashilki include
the eating of corpses (see "Oupir" in Afanasiev's compendium of
Russian tales, Afanasiev 1957): an old woman catches a taxi and asks to take
her to a graveyard; the driver waits for her to take her back, she returns
covered with blood. "Why are you all covered in blood, were you eating
corpses?" "Ye-e-e-es!" (Loiter 1998, 56-134).
In stories about mincing people for meat pies
or adding blood and sometimes brains or flesh to prepare red cookies (13 in UNN
and 6 in LC) this motif may be aggravated by the repercussions of court trials
and vague rumors about serial killers, but the vampiric aspect is more or less
explicit in them.
Red cookies
A girl loved
red cookies. Her mother baked these cookies. The daughter said: "Mom, I love
red cookies." And the girl followed her mother. When the mother bought regular
cookies, she went to the graveyard and drank blood from a grave. Then she comes
home and says: "Here are the cookies you wanted!" "No! I didn't want those! And
you are a bloodsucker!!!" (Ibid.).
Another story
which may be in part inspired by criminal reports employs a known vampiric
attribute, the urge to propagate. Bandits lured a girl into a cellar of her own
building, hit her on the head and took her to their hiding place. They killed
her, tore off her skin, cut her in pieces and poured her blood into glass jars.
Then they caught other children and made them drink this blood (Pionerskie
strashilki 2014).
Still another
variation of the blood-and-flesh-devouring motif is presented in the two
stories about men feeding on their family. Curiously, in both cases the
arrangements they use to attain their goal includes a staircase. In an old
building lived a girl and her family, there also was an old woman in the
neighborhood. The girl noticed that the old woman always jumped over 3 steps
when using the staircase in the old building and asked her about the reason.
The old woman told her to come to the stairs at midnight. In the meantime the
girl's mother and sister disappeared. She saw that everything was ablaze under
the stairs at night, looked closer and saw that a man all covered with blood
was tearing off her sister's skin and eating her flesh. Her mother's skin hung
on the wall. The man turned out to be the girl's father** who sat under the
stairs and used tubes to drink blood from everyone; when people became too weak
to escape he dragged them in and ate their flesh (Ibid.). Or: there lived a
family and they had an old man who would say that a person who stepped on the
11th step would die. The family did not know that this old man was a
sorcerer. The son of the family came back from the army and found no one at
home. He immediately understood that they had stepped on the 11th
step and decided to do the same. He was lucky and he just fell down between the
knives [which were apparently mounted there]. There were human bodies and
bottles of blood underneath. He got out and came back with militia men. They
jumped down and found the old man who was sitting there and eating meat from
the bodies. They started to shoot, and even when their bullets hit him they did
no harm to him. Eventually, a militia man saw a black spot on the old man's
forehead and when he hit it the old man blew up (Ibid.).
Slavic vampires
often could be deceased people who in their lifetime had been sorcerers,
(Swensen 1993, 493), so the remark about the old man from the second story
being a sorcerer is still another indication of the ties strashilki have with folklore.
The universal
vampiric invincibility to regular bullets has left its trace in strashilki, but the naïve narrative
gives it a peculiar twist. The old man from the previous story had a weak spot
on his body and only by hitting this spot they were able to kill him. In
another story a vulnerable spot which helps to destroy vampires is almost
literally the Achilles' heel. A woman in black and three men in white would
come out through a picture on the wall of a birthing center to steal babies.
Police were watching because babies had disappeared from this place before.
They followed and saw a horrible room stained with blood with bins packed with
little legs, arms, and heads; one bin was filled with blood. Police opened fire.
They hit the villains, but their bullets did no harm to them. Suddenly the
woman tripped and her shoe fell off her foot. Police saw that there was a
little baby tooth in her heel. A sniper shot and hit this tooth. The woman and
the three men dropped down dead. When they brought them to the police station,
it turned out that they were robots, apparently aliens (Pionerskie strashilki
2014).
The outcome of
the following story is disarmingly unsophisticated. A girl begged her mother to
buy her a red rose, and the mother agreed. They brought it home and put it on
the piano. At night the girl did not go to sleep and remained in the room
admiring the rose. Suddenly, it began to grow, and grew very big, and a red man
came out of it. He started walking down the corridor and, after a long trip,
disappeared behind a door. In the morning the girl told her parents about it.
The mother went and brought militia men with her. They hid away and began
watching the rose. It grew huge once again, and the red man came out of it.
Militia men started firing at him, but all was in vain. He kept walking and
eventually entered that room. Militia men followed and saw that he was bathing
in a pool filled with blood. And then he came out of it and died (Ibid.).
The group of
stories about ominous stains (usually red, sometimes black or otherwise
colored) stands apart from other vampiric strashilki,
but we will attempt to show that they pertain to the category. This formula
occurs 7 times in UNN and 6 times in LC.
When discussing
one of the most popular formulas of the childlore researchers speculate about
the sacral function of the stain in traditional culture. For example,
ethnographic materials related to the construction of a Slavic dwelling
introduced by A.K. Baiburin suggest a conclusion that the stain plays the role
of a medium between the cosmos of the home and the chaos of the external world.
The stain marks the wall which appears pervious to the supernatural force. This
stain is a clear and distinct sign of disaster (Cherednikova 1996, 13).
Another
valuable observation comes from a person who shares his own experience with
telling strashilki and listening to
them at the web site of the University of Nizhni Novgorod. One of the most
vividly remembered motifs for him is the motif of the underground which was not
an ordinary grave or a crypt but rather a supernatural space. The stain fraught
with death which could emerge on any wall at any time before an unsuspecting
person was for him the scariest protagonist of strashilki, and it clearly connected in his mind to this
underground motif (Strashilki).
The liminal
function of the stain is emphasized by its color, most frequently red,
sometimes black; other hues occur rarely. Black is traditionally associated
with impure forces, night, death. The archetypal power of red demands a
particular attention, as it "often represents a threshold between extreme
emotions or between different realms" (Hale 2010, 482). Discussing the
psychological implications of red in Carl Jung's conceptual system, Cynthia
Anne Hale remarks that any color can be simultaneously perceived as a physical
and emotional experience. With its implications of "a ritual symbol that
connects the living to the dead", a "threshold between reality and fantasy or
between sleeping and dreaming", red may be an element of connection between the
unconscious realm and the world of matter (Ibid., 482-484).
Red stain
A family got a
new apartment. There was a red stain on the wall; they did not have time to
paint it. In the morning the girl sees that her mother is dead and the stain
has become much brighter.
At night the
girl woke up because she felt very scared. Suddenly she saw an arm reaching to
her from the stain. The girl was so frightened that she died.
Then militia
men came and found nothing. One militia man shot the stain and it disappeared.
And then he came home and saw a red stain on the wall above his bed. At night
he felt that someone wanted to strangle him. He started shooting.
His neighbors
came running and saw that the militia man was lying there strangled and the
stain was not there anymore (Loiter 1998, 56-134)
Black stain
A man came to
an unfamiliar town and wanted to settle in a hotel. They offered him a hotel on
the outskirts of the town where no one wanted to live. The hotel keeper gave
him a room right under the attic.
At night the
man saw a black stain on the ceiling. It began to grow. The man turned on the
light. The stain disappeared. But when he turned off the light, the stain came
back. The man decided to sleep with the light on.
In the morning
the hotel keeper kept turning away from the man and squinted. The man brought
in a stone and put it under the bed. At night the stain was back. He tried to
turn on the light, but the lamp was not working. Then he threw the stone at the
stain. There was a cry, and the stain disappeared. In the morning the man saw
that the hotel keeper's arm is bandaged. The man told him about the stain, and
the hotel keeper frowned.
That night the
man came back very late hoping that there would be no stain. But the stain
began to grow and fill the room. The man threw a knife at it. There was a cry,
the stain turned red, and blood ran down the walls. The man hurried to the
attic and found the hotel keeper with the knife in his heart (Pionerskie
strashilki 2014).
Not
only is the stain in these and in similar stories a marker of the threshold and
a shapeshifter: the arms reaching out from a stain belong to a woman who kills
people; when trying to rub away a stain a girl cripples her mother; a stain
turns into a door which leads into a room full of murderous bandits; a stain on
the wall is a mother's gateway to the room crowded with demons where she eats
corpses (Baba Yaga comes to mind, but
consuming cadavers is rather the predilection of a Slavic vampire). Its
attributes suggest the properties of a substance whose propensity is "to travel
within, between, and beyond" various domains and whose material qualities "are
only one plausible starting-point for understanding its symbolic salience" (Carsten
2013, S2, S6), namely blood. Being able to secure life, blood can also be "a
source of danger through its lack of boundaries" (Ibid., S5). Leonid Lipavskii
impressively describes this unique combination of material properties in his "Issledovanie
Uzhasa" ("Study of Horror").
Curiously, some
people are still scared by the view of blood, they start feeling lightheaded.
But, one would think, what is there to be afraid of? Here it oozes from the
cut, this red liquid containing life; it flows freely and languidly and creeps
out in a freeform, ever-widening stain. Although, I suppose there is something
revolting in it. It is all too effortlessly that it leaves its habitat and
becomes independent, a tepid puddle, whether living or non-living it is
unknown. To an onlooker this seems so against the nature that they weaken, the
world becomes grey blur in their eyes, a giddy dimness. (…) Slowly leaving its
captivity, blood begins its primal, impersonal life that is alienated from us (Lipavskii
2005, 24).
The ominous
stain whose association with blood is implicit in its character and whose
ability to become bigger or brighter when it kills someone, falls under Jan
Perkowski's definition of the "general vampire" (quoted in Swensen, 1993) as "a
being which derives sustenance from a victim, who is weakened by the
experience" (Perkowski in Swensen 1993, 507). It may be a shapeshifter and
usually emerges at night or the major events related to it occur before
sunrise; this also marks the stain as a vampiric figure.
Thus, the
vampiric personage is one of the most popular agents of harm in the Russian
childlore; there are 45 such stories in UNN and 38 in LC, cookies/meat pies and
ominous stain tales included. The vampire of strashilki is a killer that finds a particular way to feed on its
victim(s) to provide its own nourishment, sometimes using naïvely complicated
procedures devised by a child's mind instead of mere blood-sucking. Being
genetically connected to Slavic folklore it may adopt various guises and often
is a shapeshifter. It is basically a nocturnal creature. It has the ability to
enchant its prey with its eyes and tends to propagate. It is a supernatural
entity but often dwells in the material world. It can appear at any moment
anywhere.
Beware, a
coffin on wheels is in your city.
Notes
* One of
the three main types of Russian legend, the other two being the bylina and the
skazka. Bylichki deal with the supernatural world and with beings that come
from the land of the dead, the underworld. When pagan beliefs were at their
strongest in ancient Russia, the common peasants half-believed the bylichki.
These legends are generally short and told in the first person, being related
from father to son and thence passed down through the generations.
(Dixon-Kennedy 1998, 48).
** One
cannot help noticing that parents and, sometimes, grandparents are the
malevolent agents in strashilki only too often. But speculations on this topic
are clearly beyond the limits of this paper.
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*Yelena Novitskaya - Archives & Special Collections librarian, Assistant Professor at Medgar Evers College, City University of New York e-mail: novalis03@gmail.com
© 2010, IJORS - INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RUSSIAN STUDIES