ISSN: 2158-7051 ==================== INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RUSSIAN STUDIES ==================== ISSUE NO. 3 ( 2014/1 ) |
SOVIET AGRARIAN REFORMS AND PRODUCTION
IN THE SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN
IMTIYAZ AHMAD SHAH*
Summary
Uzbek
agricultural sector under the Soviets (1917-1991), experienced unprecedented
development. This was on account of nationalization of land, construction of
irrigation network, high-tech agro-technical equipments, and introduction of
fertilizers, besides experimental stations. The net result, besides elimination
of feudal mode of the production, was a great development in agricultural
production especially in cotton production which was made a strategic crop.
Though republic was made dependent for food gains but simultaneously it was
brought into the vortex of international market through the cotton cultivation.
Key Words: Cotton, regional specialization, irrigation, Kolkhoz (private cooperative farms), Sovkhoz (state farms), fertilizers, dehkans (peasants).
Introduction
Geographically,
flanked by Kazakhstan
to the west and the north, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan
to the east, and Afghanistan and Turkmenistan
to the south, the republic of Uzbekistan
is endowed with a peculiar geo-physical frame that
is dominated by deserts, semi-deserts and
steppes, and has long seasons of warm dry climate. For these features and in
particular lack of natural precipitation it was regarded that agriculture was
almost a gamble in the region.[1]
However, none of these causes have deterred the people to practice farming as
the area is endowed with abundant river resources and long stretches of fertile
alluvial soil. In fact, agriculture is one of the major sources of the economy.[2]
Even though, presently it has squeezed due to low output and high input labour,[3]
the political-administrative order of the Republic rests on the growth of
agriculture and its rising productivity.[4] Much has been achieved because
of endeavours that were put by the Soviet.
There were two types of crops grown in Uzbekistan, one
based on dry farming and another on irrigation. This was so for centuries and
peasants devised the cropping pattern accordingly. Dry farming, called lalmikarkik or baharikarkik;[5] was
conducted in the loess moisturized foothill lands where annual rainfall averaged
between 250 and 400 mm[6] and
cultivated cereals were mainly wheat, barley and maize.[7] But due
to the low and unreliable rainfall the yield always remained low.
On the other hand irrigated farming, called suwli or ‘autumnal agriculture’,[8] was conducted on such fertile soil having access to water resources like the areas of serozems which are adjacent to streams and rivers. The crops grown in these irrigated lands included rice (shali), sugar- beets, potatoes, pomegranate, figs, almonds, melons.[9] The commercial or the industrial crops like cotton (pakhta), which occupied the greatest proportion of irrigated land in whole country,[10] alfalfa, tobacco, tea, sesame (kanjut), vegetable oil, etc were also grown on such fertile soils dependent on the river irrigation. All these crops were grown in different proportions at different times. The land use pattern is reflected in the following figure of 2002.[11]
As in the country two great rivers, Amu Darya and Syr
Darya, flow from one extreme to the other their benefit was and continues to be
reaped by the upstream villages and those which were situated just near them.
Nevertheless, this limitation, together with the absence of normal
precipitation did not debar the peasantry from organizing agricultural
activities with the help of artificial irrigation mechanism. Traditionally the
peasantry built, for irrigation purposes, small dikes made up of thistles
filled with brash wood and stones that were used to shunt water into the mouth
of the canal. For lifting water from these, large wheel with a rope and a pot
attached to its ram (chigger) was
operated. The water lifting device was generally driven by camel, donkey or
horse.[12]For the
smooth flow of water, drugging in small canals (aryak) was carried out by the local peasantry to clear silt
deposits and to enhance their capacity of water reservation. In the big canals
the drugging was conducted on the community basis.[13]
Another mechanism created by the native peasantry was to store rain water at
such places where irrigation system based on river water was not available. For
this purpose at higher altitudes rain water was stored in ditches, which were
also reinforced with embankments at some times, and then carried through underground tunnels (karizes), though this type of canal irrigation mechanism was
expensive, for it required professional workers to dig underground canals.[14]
These operations allowed the peasantry to cultivate
agricultural products from the irrigated lands that were about 800,000 hectares
during the Tsarist times.[15] But the
Soviets upgraded this irrigation system under the programme of ‘Nationalization
of Land and Water’ in 1920’s and more so under the first two Five Year Plans
(1928-1933 and 1933-1937). Serious efforts were made to upgrade irrigation
system by constructing a network of irrigational canals which included: Stalin
Great Farghana Canal (270 kms), the Mikoyen Southern Farghana Canal (108 kms),
the Molotov Tashkent Canal (63 kms), and the Northern Tashkent Canal.[16] Pursuant
to these measures by 1938 the new canal system increased the acreage of
irrigated cultivable land by more than eight times, raising it to the extent of
about 14,80,000 hectares.[17] By the
end of 1947, in the Hungary Steppe, Golodnesk Canal was constructed that helped
to add another 20,000 hectares of desert area under cultivation. Besides the
canals, Soviets supplemented the irrigation system by constructing hydel
reservoirs of which Katta-Kurgan reservoir was significant enough for having a
volume of 100 million cubic meters in 1946 which was subsequently elevated to
store 300 million cubic meters of water.[18]
These measures allowed to have more land for
agricultural activities that was without the facilities of irrigation mechanism
so far. As a result the acreage under various
crops increased many times to increase the total production of the crops in
Uzbekistan. For example, in 1913 the total sown area was 2,166, 000 hectares
which increased to 3, 495,000 hectares by 1968 and subsequently to 3,995,000
hectares by 1980.[19]
Accordingly the production of various crops also showed growth tremendously.
Cotton yield per hectare was 12.2 quintals in 1913 which reached to 25.0
quintals by 1968 and subsequently to 33.2 quintals by 1980.[20]
So was the case with other products. Grain yield per hectare was 0.41 metric
tons in 1940 that grew to 1.69 metric tons by 1976[21] while as fodder production also increased that allowed the livestock production
to increase from 2.8% in case of meat and 2.9% in case of milk products between
1940 to 1965 which subsequently reached to 5.1% and 6.4% respectively by 1965
to1975.[22]
This, however, was not solely because of creating well
developed irrigation mechanism but also because Soviets implemented new
policies in the agrarian system soon after 1920. One of these was
nationalization of land [23] to dismantle the feudalism for the establishment of socialism, which was
enforced subsequently by Stalin, and to implement NEP for bringing radical changes
in the agriculture sector.[24] Soon after, with the arrival of die-hard Stalin, large scale state sponsored
collective farms instead of individual peasant holdings[25] were
created under the programme of mass collectivization.[26] The
programme organized the agriculture on two types of farms: kolkhoz (collective farms) and sovkhoz
(sate farms) respectively. In case of the kolkhoz farms the peasants in lie of their labour input were having
the right to use one third of the production for their own purposes or to sell
it or its share in the market. The remaining of the two third was divided in to
two equals; one share was that of the State in the form of levis and the other
of the cooperative that provided seed, farm equipment and fertilizers as well
as provided pension and allied benefits to the retired peasants.[27] On the other hand sovkhoz farms were
given to peasants for cultivation but without having any right on the produce.
They were simply the workers of the State paid monthly wages and pensionery benefits
and it was the State that made all types of expenditure for the cultivation of
the crops that were grown in these farms.[28]
Because of some unprecedented upsurge against the forced
acceptance of the programmes[29] the Stalin government allowed peasants to hold personnel plots to grow eatables
on them for their personal use with the right to sell the surplus in the
market.[30] As a result of this socialist policy, kolkhoz
and sovkhoz households in the
Republics were 60,000 in 1937 which constituted 95% in the sown area[31],
while the rest of the farm land was used for the personnel plots.
The personnel plots were used by the peasants to grow
vegetables while as the other two farms were utilized for the cultivation of
commercial crops like cotton and grains.[32] Before the formation of the Soviet Union the farmers in Uzbekistan were growing
cotton but it never assumed such importance as it did afterwards. For example
in 1913 the total area under the cotton cultivation was about 400,000 hectares
while as by 1938 it reached more than 917,000 hectares.[33]
The well laid out irrigation net work that Soviets created by 1938 allowed to
increase the cotton crop acreage to the tune of 1, 878,000 hectares by 1980.[34]
It is generally held that Soviets initiated such programmes in the area that
lead to grow only cotton in kolkhoz
and sovkhoz farms so that the textile
industry mainly based in Russia was getting bulk of the raw material from
Uzbekistan. The mono-culturization even though provided the State and the
cooperatives cash in lieu of the cotton produce yet at it’s cost other grain
crops were almost ignored for the cultivation. The irrigation mechanism,
therefore, was of little use to the farmers as far as to produce their own food
that was wholly imported from Russia. On the other hand initiatives were taken
to have more yield of cotton produce that in 1913 was 1,220 kgs per hectare
while as in 1980 it was as high as 3,320 kgs per hectare; thereby changing the
total cotton produce from 522,000 tones in 1913 to 6,237,000 tons in 1980[35] -
the production growth that was twelve times more.
Soviets along with also changed the farm equipment in
Uzbekistan. Traditionally the farmers used tools that were quite simple and
few; and included a kind of hoe or spade (ketman)
consisting of round iron blade fastened at right angles to the end of long
handle. The other tools were wooden harrow (mola),
used for leveling and sealing the soil and the sickle (orag) used for harvesting grain and alfalfa. A primitive plough with
a small iron tipped plough-share (amach)
was driven by a pair of oxen (gosh)
to prepare the fields for cotton.[36]
In the post World War II period, under the programme of “structural
transformation of agriculture”, high-tech agricultural instruments were
introduced. For instance, in the Republic by 1940 the total number of tractors
was 23,600 which under the efforts reached to 69,300 in 1959.[37]
The cumulative result was the great leap especially in the production of the
cotton. For instance, the republic produced 8 million tons of raw cotton per
seasons per kolkhoz or sovkhoz, an increase that changed the
shape of the field agriculture in the State and Uzbekistan was thus able to produce in just two and half seasons
what was produced before the revolutionary era in an aggregate of 50 years.[38] Further
improvement in its cultivation was affected when in 1949 over 200 machines and
tractors were employed in the cultivation of collective farms.[39] Cotton
planting was mechanized on 70.9% of land while as 64.9% of land used for other
agricultural products was harrowed by machines.[40]
For picking cotton, machines were introduced and agro-technical experiments
were carried out in Tashkent. These experiments included the introduction of
more and more research and experimental stations for improving cotton
production which allowed using number of new seed varieties for high yield and
resistance against potent crop diseases.[41]
Besides earth moving machines, pipes, electrical equipments,
pumps and cement for irrigation projects, a number of fertilizers were supplied
to the producers of cotton in the Republic. These included nitrogen fixing
agents like the sowing of the alfalfa after the harvesting of the cotton, in
addition to nitrogen, phosphorous and calcium fertilizers that were chemically
produced. In fact in Uzbekistan the use of chemical fertilizers was very high
for the bulk yield of the cotton as in 1980 nitrogen fertilizer input was 243
kgs / hectare while in the rest of the USSR it was as low as 35.8 kgs /
hectare.[42]]
It is true that behind the Soviet agrarian initiatives, which
included the up-gradation of irrigation mechanism, allocation of grants,
mechanization and chemiclization, etc. in the Republic, was the cotton
monoculture, but Soviets had reasons to resort to this sort of monoculture.
The first important reason was that during the Tsars, due to
the Civil War in United States (1861-65), the imports from the US could not
meet the requirements of the Russian textile industries, with the result the
country felt short of textile products for which it depended primarily on the
imports. In order to end the dependence on the overseas imports the Russian
government after conquering the Central Asian region made it an economic zone
for supplying raw material to the textile industries located in Russian.[43]
The Soviets continued the Tsarist policy of eliminating the dependence on the
foreign imports in letter and sprit and thereby making the republic a raw
material supplying base for textile industries in central Russia.[44]
Second important reason for cotton mono-culturization was the
principle of maintaining the inter-republican interdependence on which the
Soviet statecraft rested upon. Under the system the Soviets developed the
mechanism of dependency of one republic on the other to maintain the Marxist
principle of ‘egalitarian society’ through out the Soviet Union.
Another very important reason was what is called ‘regional
specialization’- i.e. the favourable conditions for the growth of a particular
crop in a republic like cotton in Uzbekistan. In fact, regional specialization
was the characteristic of crop specialization across the whole erstwhile USSR.
For instance, in the republics of Ukraine and Byelorussia rice and potatoes
were made the strategic crops. Equally important reason for cotton monoculture
in the republic was the lucrative feature of the crop than other crops and the
fundamental source of promotion of national income. The Soviets by adopting
such policies succeeded as early as 1933 in their design as they secured the
‘cotton independence’ position.
The reforms that were carried out during the Soviet period not
only helped in the growth of cotton production but many other crops also
developed on the same pattern even though the acreage under their cultivation
was meager. For instance, by 1976 the vegetable production in the republic
stood at 1710, 000 tons, which in 1980 reached to 24, 29000 tones, and by 1984
to 26, 30,000 tones. Rice too showed the healthy trend as the production
increased from 530,000 tons in 1980 to 558,000 tons by 1984.[45]
Some critics held that the cotton was given more price rates than
grains therefore peasants also choosed to grow cotton than any thing else. But
it is also true that it was the policy of the Union to lead them towards the
cotton cultivation. They in fact were provided food grains, in return, at lower
prices. However, cotton cultivation was
more labour intensive than grains therefore the higher prices for it. For
instance, for the cotton cultivation it required 1,089 man-hour labours
per-hectare, where as grains required 181 man-hour labour per-hectare[46]
Some Western scholars, like A. Beningson, K. Carpath, Michel
Rywkin, Alexander Park, D. Pipes, Jeoffery Wheeler, etc. have dubbed the Soviet
agrarian measures in the region reactionary to the peasants. For instance, H.
Dinerstain, an American scholar, wrote, “…not only did the peasantry gain
nothing from the agrarian reforms, but on the contrary their life became worse
due to the lack of ownership rights.”[47]
Yes it is true that Nationalisation policy deprived the land owners from the
ownership rights but most of the land owners in the republic were kulaks, the feudal lords who even though
in minority possessed more than 60% of the cultivable land.[48]
The dehkans were oppressed by the kulaks and received very little returns.[49]
It is also true that ownership rights allows land tenure security and therefore
leads to better crop productivity as has been proven by the Soviet system
itself when they allotted personal plots, even though land without the
ownership rights, to the dehkans who
are said to have produced more than those working in the other farms. [50] Alexander Park, however, writes that
the agrarian policies were carried counter to the interests of the dehkans for they received low income
from agricultural activities than the skilled workers.
No doubt, the extensive mono-culturization destroyed the
agrarian balance[51]
and marred the republican capacity to produce food grains for which Soviets
must be blamed, but in the long run it has also helped in foreign earnings and
brought the Republic into the vortex of the international market.
[1]E. A. Allworth (ed.), Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule, Columbia University Press, New York/London, 1967, p. 122.
[2]As per one estimate, in 1999 the share of agriculture in the GDP of the
Republic was 25-30% and 55% of the country’s currency receipts. In terms of
employment, more than 44% of the country’s active populations directly or
indirectly were employed in agriculture: Natural Resource Aspects of
Sustainable Development in the Republic of Uzbekistan, information provided by
the Govt. Of Uzbekistan to the 5th and 8th Sessions of
the United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development, Nov. 1999;
Uzbekistan: An Agenda for Economic Reforms, Washington, D.C., 1999, pp.115-117.
[3]According to one estimate between 1989 and 1994, employment (input) in agriculture grew at an annual compound rate of 4.6% , while the output declined by 3.8%: Deniz Kondiyoti, Agrarian Reforms, Gender and Land Rights in Uzbekistan, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, Paper No.11, 2002, p.14; Uzbekistan: An Agenda for Economic Reforms, Washington, D.C., 1999, p.115.
[4]Islam Karimov, Uzbekistan on the
Threshold of 21st Century, Cambridge, 1998, p.13: Uzbekistan: An Agenda for
Economic Reforms, p.115; Kondiyoti, Agrarian Reforms, Gender and Land Rights in
Uzbekistan, p.24.
[5]Allworth, Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule, p. 124. This type of farming, in Kashmir is known as rabi.
[6]G.M. Mir, “Agro-Climatic
Regionalization of Western Turkistan”, The Journal of Central Asian Studies,
Vol.5, No.1, 1994, Srinagar, p. 58; Allworth, Central Asia: A Century of
Russian Rule, p. 125.
[7]Mir, “Agro-Climatic Regionalization
of Western Turkistan”, The Journal of Central Asian Studies, p. 58.
[8]Allworth, Central Asia: A Century of
Russian Rule, p. 125. It is called kharif
in Kashmir.
[9]Allworth, Central Asia: A Century of
Russian Rule, pp. 125-126.
[10]Allworth, Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule, p. 125.
[11]Umid Abdullah, Report
LADA: Case Study of Uzbekistan, Tashkent, 18th April, 2002.
[12]Allworth, Central Asia: A Century of
Russian Rule, p. 270
[13]Small canals were cleaned before
February, big canals in February and major canals in March. Allworth, Central
Asia: A Century of Russian Rule, p. 271.
[14]Allworth, Central Asia: A Century of
Russian Rule, p. 271.
[15]W.P. and Zelda Koates, Soviets in Central Asia, London, 1951, p.186.
[16]B. Tulepbayev, Socialist Agrarian
Reforms in Soviet Central Asia and Kazakhstan, London, 1968, p. 157; Koates,
Soviets in Central Asia, p. 188.
[17]Koates, Soviets in Central Asia, p.188.
[18]Work on Verkhno Bukhara and the South Bukhara (total 12 miles) was completed in just 25 days: Koates, Soviets in Central Asia, p.188.
[19]Tulepbayev, Socialist Agrarian
Reforms in Soviet Central Asia and Kazakhstan, pp. 200-201.
[20]Tulepbayev, Socialist Agrarian
Reforms in Soviet Central Asia and Kazakhstan, p. 200.
[21]In India, Iran, Turkey and Pakistan
it was 1.22, 1.27, 1.31 and 1.44 metric tones respectively in 1976;
Aziz-ur-Rehman Khan and Dehram Ghai, Collective Agriculture and Rural
Development in Soviet Central Asia, London, 1979, p. 74.
[22]Khan and Ghai, Collective Agriculture
and Rural Development in Soviet Central Asia, p. 33.
[23]R. Kh. Aminova, Changes in
Uzbekistan’s Agriculture (1917-1929), Moscow, 1974, p. 79; Nadejda Ozerova,
“Soviet Policy of Economic Nationalism in Uzbekistan and its Consequences-
1917-1940”, Central Eurasian Studies Review, Vol.3, No.2, 2004, p. 25; R. R.
Sharma, Marxist Model of Social Change: Soviet Central Asia, New Delhi, 1979, p. 112.
[24]New Economic Policy, implemented at
the 10th conference of the Russian Communist Party, March 10, 1921,
was adopted and implemented as an alternative to counter check the adverse
effects of ‘War Communism’- a policy under which the peasants were forced to
surrender the food grains to the state to feed the fighting forces of civil
war. The important features of the policy was tax in kind called in local
parlance/terminology prodnolog, legalization of commerce, private initiative in
manufacturing and partial restoration of market regulation mechanism to win the
peasantry to the Soviet side. In this way the policy proved as a powerful
stimulant to agricultural production. For example, in 1927 the cotton
production of the Republic stood as 13,648 poods which subsequently reached to
84,681 poods by 1828. Similarly maize production increased from 21,385 poods to
90,520 poods, rice from 845 poods to 1,820 poods, mung beans from 87 poods to
396 poods, lucerne from 1,265 poods to 23,496 poods: Aminova, Changes in
Uzbekistan’s Agriculture (1917-1929), Moscow, 1974, p.211; Zhores A. Medvadev,
Soviet Agriculture, p.38; Olaf Caroe, Soviet Empire, New York, 1967, p. 176; R. R. Sharma, Marxist Model of Social Change: Soviet Central Asia, New Delhi, 1979, pp.73-76.
[25]M. N. Sofinsky, The Land of Soviets,
(ed.), Moscow, 1987, p. 95.
[26]Collectivization was the most
important policy in the agrarian history of the USSR. The drive / programme was
generally attributed to Joseph Stalin but in fact the Marxists / Communists
from the early times have been strongly advocating the concept of large state
sponsored collective farms in preference to individual farms. However, Lenin
immediately after October Revolution also strived for collectivization, but
could not do so partially because state was at embryonic stage and the
peripheries like Central Asia was still under the deep shadow of feudalism:
Najeda Ozerova, “Collectivization and Socialization of agricultural production
in Uzbekistan. The Soviet Policy in 1930’s”, The Journal of Central Asian
Studies, Vol. XV, No. 1, Srinagar, 2004-05, p. 1; Mark B. Taugher, “Soviet
Peasants and Collectivization -1930–39: Resistance and Adaptation”, The Journal
of Peasant Studies, Vol. 31, No. 3 and 4, April / July, 2004, pp. 427-432.
[27]Khan and Ghai, Collective Agriculture
and Rural Development in Soviet Central Asia, p. 116-17.
[28]Sharma, Marxist Model of Social Change: Soviet Central Asia, pp. 116-17.
[29]The first such demonstration on June 15, 1930 by a mob of 2,000 villagers, armed with local implements like hoes and axes set off from Iskoval to its district centre where they met the district authorities against the forced programme of mass collectivization. The agitated mob was fired upon consequently several peasants and labourers got wounded and about twenty women were arrested. Such riots also took place in Fargana and Bhagdad districts of the republic. In Kaskadarya region, 14 cases of mass peasant riots with estimated participation of 3.7 thousand people were registered. According to statistical reports of the Joint State Political Department (OGRU), the number of peasants riots throughout the Soviet Union was 13,754, Journal of Peasants Studies, Vol-31, Nos.3 and 4, April/July, 2004, p.437; out of which 240 riots were registered from the Uzbek Republic alone. The Journal of Central Asian Studies, Vol. XV, No.1, Srinagar, 2004-05, p. 47.
[30]Khan and Ghai, Collective Agriculture
and Rural Development in Soviet Central Asia, p. 47.
[31]The Journal of Central Asian Studies,
Vol. XV, No.1, Srinagar, 2004-05, p. 8.
[32]It needs to be pointed out that the
personal plots were exclusively meant to fulfill the domestic needs of the
kolkhoz peasants in terms of edibles and vegetables and not for cotton
cultivation.
[33]Koates, Soviets in Central Asia, p.
188; Soviet Review, Vol. XI, No.36, 1980, p. 17.
[34]Koates, Soviets in Central Asia, p.186.
[35]Tulepbayev, Socialist Agrarian Reforms in Soviet Central Asia and
Kazakhstan, p. 200.
[36]Allworth, Central Asia: A Century of
Russian Rule, p. 276.
[37]Tulepbayev, Socialist Agrarian
Reforms in Soviet Central Asia and Kazakhstan, p. 116.
[38]Koates, Soviets in Central Asia,
p.185; Tulepbayev, Socialist Agrarian Reforms in Soviet Central Asia and
Kazakhstan, pp.153, 158, 200; According to estimates, an average size of each
sovkhoz was 19,000 hectares (49,930 acres) of land, including 6,200 hectares
(15,314 acres) of plough land and employed on an average about 516 persons
while as the average size of a kolkhoz was 7,700 hectares (16,549 acres) of
land, including 3,730 hectares (9.139 acres) of farmland which employed about
570 members: Vinod Mehta, Soviet Economic Development and Structure, New Delhi,
1978, pp.271-73, USSR Facts and Figures, Novesti Press Academy, Moscow, 1978, p.
9.
[39]The machines were also introduced in
other agricultural products. For instance, potatoes digging machines were
introduced to give good yield of potatoes: Allworth, Central Asia: A Century of
Russian Rule, p.186.
[40]Soviet Review, Vol. XVII, No.36, 1990, p.18.
[41]Long staple cotton was introduced
which never suffer from wilt and ripen more quickly than the native Asian
cotton. However, recently a type of cotton was introduced which resist Hommo’s
disease and in this type balls grow on the branches but on stalks which allow
the planting of 5 or 6 times more cotton than usual. Natural colored cotton too
was introduced which by 1947 covered 18,500 acres of land: Koates, Soviets in
Central Asia, p.186.
[42]Similarly phosphorous fertilizer was 131 kgs per hectare while in the
rest of the union it was just 24.2 kgs per hectare; Uzbekistan: An Agenda for
Economic Reforms, p. 222.
[43]Central Asian Review, 1958, Vol.6,
pp. 272-277; Seymour Becker, Russian Protectorates in Central Asia: Bukhara and
Khiva (1865-1924), 1968, Cambridge, p. 217; Sharma, Marxist Model of Social
Change: Soviet Central Asia, p. 27; Tulepbayev,
Socialist Agrarian Reforms in Soviet Central Asia and Kazakhstan, p. 25;
Michael Rywkin, Moscow’s Muslim Challenge: Soviet Central Asia, 1982, pp.14-15.
[44]One important reason for the USSR was to end the overseas imports from USA was the ideological difference with the USA. Another very important was to generate the economic opportunities for the government as well as for the people within the country.
[45]National Economy of USSR, Statistical Return, Moscow, 1997, p. 130. Among the vegetables the production of potatoes in 1976 stood at 190,000 tones which reached to 242,000 tons by 1980, and to 373,000 tons by 1984.
[46]Sharma, Marxist Model of Social Change: Soviet Central Asia, p.76.
[47]Cf. Tulepbayev, Socialist Agrarian Reforms in Soviet Central Asia and
Kazakhstan, p. 23.
[48]Devendra Kaushik, Central Asia in Modern Times: A History from early to 19th century, Moscow, 1970, p. 71. As per one estimate the total population of the kulaks and bourgeoisie (capitalist class) in the Soviet Union stood at 4.6% by 1928, which by privileged rights related to the collection of revenue from the individual cultivators in villages and other administrative divisions dominated 74.9% of the peasantry. In 1912-1913, 5.52% of the total household of kulaks (landlords), possessed 33.51% of cattle, when 49.22% of the peasant families possessed just 11-12%. L. G. Churchward, Soviet Socialism: Social and Political Essays, London, 1987, pp.26 -27; Tulepbayev, Socialist Agrarian Reforms in Soviet Central Asia and Kazakhstan, p. 24.
[49]Due to the inbuilt economic differentiation and varying control over means and forces of production, such peasants were divided into three distinct categories; the bednyaki (poor peasants), seredniaks (middle peasants) and kulaks (land lords). Besides these, there were also batraks (landless agricultural workers). These landed poor and land less section of the society worked on crop sharing basis called in the region chairikari- a system in which the peasant was entitled to 1/4th share of the gross produce from the fields of the Kulak: Kaushik, Central Asia in Modern Times: A History from early to 19th century, pp. 66, 69.
[50]The issue of personal plots and
their performance has been controversial one in the context of Soviet
agricultural development. Aziz-ur-Rehman Khan and Dehram Ghai report that one
school of thought consisting of the western economists believe that the
personal plots have much higher out put per hectare than the collective
agriculture. Likewise, the Soviet economists on the other side believed that
throughout the Soviet period the overall performance of the personal plots in
the agriculture was very negligible. In fact, they have found that these farms
contributed from 18 to 40 percent of total household income in the republic. Khan
and Ghai, Collective Agriculture and Rural Development in Soviet Central Asia, p.
77.
[51]Before the Soviet presence in the
region agriculture system was based on self- sufficiency. Different crops
diverse in nature and value were cultivated to fulfill the day-to-day
requirements of the people. Arminus Vambery, Travels in Central Asia, New
Delhi, revised edition 1994, pp. 341-343. However, with the Soviet dominance
the resort was made to cotton monoculture to fulfill the imperial designs that
too at the cost of the food grains. With the result the grain cultivation which
was carried on 1,479.7 thousand hectares in 1940 reduced to 894.8 thousand
hectares by 1960. When on the other hand, in some oblasts of the Republic
(1987) like Fargana Valley the percentage of the cotton stood at 64-72%, in the
Bukhara Oblast 70%, in Merv Oblast 68% and in Mary Oblast 65%: Peter R.
Craumer, “Agricultural Change, Labour Supply, and Rural Out-Migration in Soviet
Central Asia”, Robert A. Lewis, Geographical Perspectives on Soviet Central
Asia (ed.), Rutledge, Taylor and Francis Group, London, 1992, pp. 143-44. It is
on account of the Soviet imperial interests that the republic suffered for food
gains and in fact became a major parasite for the same.
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*Imtiyaz Ahmad Shah - PhD, Centre of Central Asian Studies (CCAS), University of Kashmir, Srinagar, 190006
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